The third month of student protests in Serbia brings not only university blockades and calls for a general strike but also support from the region. While students and citizens have connected across borders, pro-government media in Serbia and certain regional portals spread disinformation in an attempt to discredit them. What are the key narratives used against the protests in the region, and how are they connected to the Serbian government?
By: Milica Blagojević
Student protests and faculty blockades across Serbia are entering their third month. The main trigger for their organization was the collapse of a canopy on November 1, 2024, at the train station in Novi Sad.
At the scene, 14 people lost their lives, including children, while three were seriously injured. However, one injured person passed away in the hospital a few days later.
Public dissatisfaction grew due to suspicions that the tragedy was a consequence of corruption and state negligence regarding safety standards. Protests spread from the streets of Belgrade and Novi Sad to universities, schools, and most cities and municipalities in the country.
Actions, blockades, gatherings, and protests followed, with many events marked by incidents, verbal, and physical attacks.
As a form of pressure on institutions, which they claim are not doing their job, students blocked faculties and universities and began independently organizing protests, calling on citizens to join a general strike.
They received support from their peers and citizens from neighboring countries. Letters of solidarity were sent, and support rallies were organized in Sarajevo, Skopje, Ljubljana, Zagreb, Split, Osijek, and Podgorica.
“One world, one struggle,” “Who reconciles us,” “Zagreb against violence” – Croatian citizens, from a country that was at war with Serbia in the early 1990s, express support for Serbian students.
This gave the protests a new dimension – students from Serbia and the region erased borders and demonstrated connection, solidarity, and the importance of fighting for a just society, standing together against injustice and irresponsibility.
However, the situation in the regional media space is not so positive. Some regional media are spreading false and unfounded information and theories about Serbian students, primarily originating from Serbian pro-regime media. Their common link – unwavering support for Aleksandar Vučić, the President of Serbia.
Key Narratives and Disinformation About Student Protests in Serbia
From the very beginning of the protests, pro-government media in Serbia have used numerous spins and attempts to discredit students as a group and individual protest participants. Fake News Tragač, a SEE Check member, recorded just this week more than 400 manipulative and unfounded news articles from pro-regime mainstream media about the protests.
One of the key narratives used by the ruling majority to undermine the students is the claim that foreign money and influence are involved in the protests.
The authorities refuse to acknowledge the authenticity of the protests and the students’ ability to self-organize. They ignore student and civic dissatisfaction and legitimate demands for accountable institutions, instead claiming that students receive funding from foreign organizations aiming to overthrow the state.
Another major narrative concerns a political agenda. The authorities and their media dismiss student demands – which are concrete and directed at institutions – by labeling them as a cover for achieving hidden political goals, which they then link again to foreign influence or fabricated separatist movements.
As a result, they attribute the label of a “color revolution” to the protests and claim that their aim is the secession of Vojvodina from Serbia – something that no one except the authorities has mentioned, neither students nor citizens.
Such accusations serve to divert attention from the real goals of the protests, portraying students and citizens involved as a group whose objective is the destabilization of the country.
Finally, another dominant mechanism is the labeling of individuals – either directly through politicians’ speeches or indirectly through pro-government media – which discredits protest participants and marks them as easy targets for baseless attacks.
Some of these manipulative mechanisms have spread to the region, particularly in Republika Srpska, Serb-majority entity in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Montenegro, which is expected due to the influence and support that Serbian politicians and the ruling Serbian Progressive Party have there.
Although many media outlets in these countries report objectively and accurately on student actions in Serbia, three dominant media outlets that propagate false narratives are Montenegrin portals Borba, IN4S, and Alo Online, says Darvin Murić from the Montenegrin fact-checking portal Raskrinkavanje.me.
“In their articles, activists and demonstrators are attacked, conspiracy theories are created, and, above all – Vučić’s government is defended,” he says.
Editorial Policies and Ownership Ties
The Montenegrin portal Alo Online is part of Alo Media System. According to the Central Registry of Business Entities of Montenegro, its founder is the company “Pogled,” which is 100% owned by the Serbian company Alo Media System, which also owns the Serbian newspaper Alo.
The tabloid “Alo” is strongly pro-government in Serbia and is used, like several other tabloids, for orchestrated attacks on dissenters and political opponents.
Their support for the government is rewarded with budget funds. According to an investigation by Raskrikavanje, Alo Media System received contracts worth around 307,000 euros in 2023 through public procurement and project co-financing.
Its sister media outlet in Montenegro does not differ from this pro-Vučić editorial stance.
Another Montenegrin portal, Borba, which spreads manipulative texts about student protests, is also majority-owned by the company “Pogled.”
Regarding Serbian President Vučić, their available texts contain no critical reporting. Relying on an article from the Serbian newspaper Večernje Novosti, they attempted to depict the “bloody hand” – an unofficial symbol of the protests – as a “template for a color revolution” and even suggested a connection with the terrorist organization Hamas.
In addition, Borba follows the narrative of an alleged color revolution unfolding in Serbia – a claim exclusively pushed by the ruling majority, especially Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić.
The minority owner of Borba is Dražen Živković, who is also the editor-in-chief of Prva TV in Montenegro. This television station has the same owner in Serbia and Montenegro – Kopernikus Corporation (Cyprus) LTD.
Prva TV in Serbia is closely aligned with the Serbian Progressive Party, i.e., Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić.
Disinformation about alleged secessionism in Vojvodina as one of the goals of the student protests was spread by the right-wing portal IN4S.
For example, it published an article about “separatism in Vojvodina,” illustrated with a photograph of a banner reading “Vojvodina Serbia, never Catalonia.”
This image first appeared in Serbian tabloids in 2017, but in this article, it was presented as a recent event, along with a quote from “Srpska Liga” leader Aleksandar Đurđev, who claims that the hidden goal of the protests is the separation of Vojvodina.
The IN4S portal is peculiar in that its website lists Cuban boxer Félix Savón as its editor-in-chief, with an address in Havana.
According to the Media Ownership Monitor, this media outlet is known for lies and provocations and is linked to Gojko Raičević, one of the founders of the “Serbian House” in Montenegro, which receives funding from the Serbian government.
As Montenegrin media have reported, the IN4S portal has received funding from the company M:Tel, which is owned by Serbian Telekom, a state-owned enterprise.
